Monday, December 14, 2009

NOTES ON A RELGIOUS FESTIVAL - PART I


This post (the first of three) attempts to describe and give my impressions of the Fiesta for Nuestra Senora de la Salud in Pátzcuaro. This Virgin is unique to this town (having been made Patrona de Pátzcuaro in 1737 and having a coronation in 1899, making her a Queen) and her day, December 8, is perhaps the biggest day in the calendar of the pueblo. The most fascinating event is the mass held for the indigenous people of the region. On entering the Basilica one is presented with a series of stain glass windows around the upper reaches of the church depicting the history of this virgin. The story begins with the indigenous people, their encounter with the Spaniards and then the arrival of the Catholic church represented by Don Vasco, a local hero. Then we see Salud crowned by the Pope and witnessed by the King of Spain. So the indigenous people are depicted as having a long and positive relationship with the church.

Mass is given in the Purépecha language and the indigenous people play a very large part, giving the event its memorable texture and feeling. Their typical brass band provides the music, women read the scriptures and most of the singing is in the almost falsetto voice of the indigenous men and women. Only a few of the elements of the day are described here and my interpretations may be very wrong.

Facing the alter were 8 Moor dancers (la danza de los Moros), standing for the entire mass. Their dance attire is very special with blue capes and white hats on the women and white capes with blue hats on the men. The hats are not very common anymore, looking like three small stacked pillows in rich fabric adorned with beads, feathers and silver fish. The women’s capes were covered in gold stars and their aprons with flower-like shiny objects and three discreet bows. The men have colorful leggings and boots with substantial spurs. The Moors are always present for the celebration of patron saints and this would explain their presences at this mass. The Moors represent the Catholic victory over infidels, (and perhaps in a more general sense, the world), meaning the Muslims, and their conversion to Christianity. The Spanish Inquisition emerged because this conversion was often temporary or feigned. Nevertheless, the Moors standing in the church represent this conversion and in a more direct sense the conversion of the indigenous peoples of Mexico.

At one point the priest goes to the front door and invites in a small procession of men and women. The men are blowing the conch shell and the women carrying a rather large platform bearing a book. I was not sure what the book was, perhaps the Book of Luke. The priest received this book, holding it high for all to see, opening to a page with an image which he kissed. Passages were then read from this book.

The priest then approached the front door again and invited in a group of 60 women, dressed in traditional clothing and wearing or carrying the distinctive shawl of the area, bearing baskets of food as offerings. They were led by men blowing the conch and a woman carrying a traditional container with smoking copal. The women danced down the central aisle, up to the alter where they handed their gifts to the priest who kissed each offering and passed it to another priest to place around the alter. The copal burner was then held high by the priest and he walked around the alter with it before leaving it to distribute its magnificent aroma. The Moors who had left quietly to join this procession, then resumed their central place. Were they in this act making an offering of themselves, showing their submission to God and the church?

While all of this was going on a group of about 10 concheros (representing the prehispanic people) were dancing outside the doors. They too, however, were dancing before an image of the virgin in a chair with baby Jesus as well as another image of Guadalupe. At the end of the mass the Moors gave a presentation of their historic dance. This dance was followed by a group of Purépecha women in colourful traditional clothing doing a dance of the torito, a small and colourful bull held over the head of one of the dancers. (Apparently the torito was the indigenous way of making fun of the Spaniards and their bulls. But they clearly weren’t making fun of the Spanish Christians. I think there are other ways to interpret some of this dance which I will try to talk about later). At the same time Los Mojigangas (15 feet tall giants) were doing their dance and passing the hat. In another corner of the church yard the viejitos (old men) were dancing. This historic dance too was a way of teasing the walking and posture of the older Spanish, perhaps even the priests. So we have this lovely mixture of teasing and subservience. An interesting display of the power structure of the community and perhaps the nation. In the next two posts I will comments on this events and its relationship to the power structures of the town and then on its religious significance.

Saturday, November 28, 2009

DANCING AT THE ALTAR

After a short while in Mexico it is hard to believe there was a time when the Catholic church prohibited dancing in the church grounds or even the grave yard. In fact, according to Barbara Ehrenreich (2007), there were many attempts to stop festival dancing in the event that it might lead to an uprising. The Spaniards also did this when they arrived in Mexico to find a strong tradition of ritual dancing and mask wearing. So it was with some surprise that I saw private dancing in the church. We were exploring the large and beautiful church in Nuevo San Juan, Michoacan, when an older couple began doing a simple dance step towards the alter. They took a couple of steps forward and one backwards and were doing a version of the step familiar to most Mexicans. They were then followed by a young man carrying a child doing the same dance.

What was this about? Ralph Beals, in his 1940 anthropological description of Cheran, Michoacan, (not far from Nuevo San Juan) gives us some answers. He reports that a great many Tarascans (Purepechas) have a strong belief in the miraculous powers of the Christ image in San Juan Parangaricutiro (a town destroyed by a volcano in the 1940s and relocated as the village of Nuevo San Juan). Associated with this belief was the ritual of dancing at least part way to the church upon entering the town to make pilgrimage. (Usually around September 14). If one laughed at those dancing they risked becoming paralyzed and then must dance to become cured. Others danced within the church or in front of the alter and this ritual was thought to cure illness.

I think it is clear that it is a version of this previous belief system and ritual that was witnessed in 2009. If anyone knows how extensive this practice remains it would be great to hear from you.

PS. It should be said that other forms of ritual dancing in the church are not uncommon. I have witnessed the Moors entering the church with their band, being blessed by the priest and then dancing. On another occasion the viejitos did the same thing and on another the viejitos and the Moors entered the church and remained in the centre aisle through the service and then danced outside. Indeed the Moors almost always enter the church to experience the mass and then go through the church at the end of the dance (to symbolize their conversion in my belief). Even the Mojigangas (giant figures of about 15 feet) have been seen dancing in the Basilica. We have also seen the Curpites, joined by their band, dance in front of the altar.

Friday, November 6, 2009

LOS CABALLITOS DE CUANAJO


Having observed events of the day of dead in Pátzcuaro for four years and each time am so overwhelmed by the richness and complexity of the week that I have not known what to say. This year we attended a small event that needs to be described. This was the caballitos of Cuanjo, an event we had no idea of what to expect.  Arriving in the village we asked where the caballitos where and everyone knew and pointed us down one of two streets. Not knowing how we would know if we found the house it became obvious when we saw the flowers surrounding the door. We where encouraged to go into the house while some family members continued to onload refreshments and other goods. On entering the house it became clear what we had stumbled into. A baby had died during the year and before us stood the first ofrenda for the child. I am assuming that the child had not yet gone to "heaven" as she had died young, so this was an important part of the cycle of transition for the baby and the family.

The ofrenda had many of the elements of others in the region. A tall display of wild flowers surrounded an image of the virgin of nativity and on the lower table-like structure was a photo of the baby surrounded by fresh fruit. The room we had entered had a dirt floor and open walls and the ofrenda was surrounded by wooden planks on which family members would spend the night. The distinctive feature of this ofrenda, and where it derives it name, where the nine little wooden horses (caballitos) in front of the ofrenda looking towards the viewer. These each stood about 15 inches high and their legs formed a trestle on which where hung food items (squash, corn, apples, oranges, bread) and more wild flowers. Each also had a burning candle and the horse on the left carried a wooden cross. When asked the family member attending to our querries said the horses where to carry the items to the next life. The baby was now going to heaven and would feel at home.
While I am an outsider to this it seemed to me that in other ofrendas the spirit of the dead is thought to return on November 2 and the ofrenda is there for the spirit, the candles to act as a guide, and the family spend the night to be with the ancestor. The loved one is not gone for ever but just resides in a different state and place and returns once a year. For the child, however, the day was one of transition, a transition to that other form and place of life. The child would be expected to return the next year and the usual ofrenda would be constructed in the home and the cemetery.
This was a moving experience partly because of the clear objectification of beliefs.
Here is another example of the "little horse" from Santa Fe da la Languna. the tradition came from Cuanajo probably through intermarriage.  The tradition of Santa Fe is to use what I call small spirit houses for dead children (you can just see the corner of one on the same grave).  You can clearly see the horse on the grave and loaded with flowers and gifts of food.

Friday, July 17, 2009

NO JOY IN THIS PARADE!



Palm Sunday is a day for the expression of joy: Jesus was being declared King as he entered Jerusalem. Not until Easter Sunday and the celebration of the resurrection is there such joy. People are happy, smiling and glad to be with their neighbors. When the congregation enters the church people wave their palms and shout “Christ is King”. Things appeared to be quite different in Tingambato.

Upon arrival we saw people rushing to get into the procession so followed along to capture the procession. Everyone carried beautiful palms: tall, intricately woven and laced with flowers to give a stunning appearance. Although there were easily 400 people in the procession, there was no sense of joy. The only music was an accordion following Jesus, his disciples and the local priest, and it was playing a dirge. People were not smiling, which is unusual, and they appeared to want to get it over with.

As an outsider there was no way to figure out what was going on but a friend asked where he could purchase a palm since there was no appearance of local makers on the streets. One could not purchase a palm as they had been distributed by the government! Is there a connection between this gift and the lack of joy? Did people need to be encouraged to attend? Was the priest struggling to fill the church? This day was also the opening of the annual geranium festival so perhaps organizers wanted an impressive event for visitors!

Whatever the explanation, the event left me puzzled.

Sunday, May 3, 2009

SAN JOSE AND MASCULINITY


The month of March is the time to celebrate San Jose (Joseph), the husband of Mary and thus the (social) father of Jesus. He is saint of carpentry and shake making, among other things, but he is honored primarily for his role as father. After all he agreed to marry Mary in her time of need (being an unmarried mother was not a great alternative in that time) and raised the son of God.

My speculation began while watching a small procession carrying an image of Jose and I noticed he held a small child in his arms. What struck me was the absence of men in the procession: All but one of the main participants were women (not counting the band). The same procession was held the next day and these participants took Jose into the Basilica. Again most of the were girls and small children, again I asked myself: where are the men? (I believe that this procession came from a small P’urepecha pueblo and thus is not representative of Mexico.)

The role of men, and the acquisition of a successful male identity are difficult in many societies. But in Mexico it is thought by many that this struggle to figure out a male identity results in El Macho – the macho man. This identity leads to hiding of the intimate self and the display of an aggressive attitude in the family and in public. If we accept that this is so, then the question becomes one of finding the pathways to this identity. Nelson (1971) in her study of a mestizo pueblo in Michoacan, focuses on the role of the family – the absent and closed father and the over protective mother who evokes guilt as a way to get some of her own needs meet. While sons may go to extremes to protect their mother, she does not become a role model for her son (and this is probably so in many societies). In a Catholic society the holy family is depicted as the ideal family. Mary is indeed the ideal mother – looking out for her son and attending to many of the functions of mother and home operative. She also has the characteristics of being attentive, showing mercy, interceding with the father, patience, loving and so on. (NOTE: for more on the characteristics of Mary review the insiders guide: The Complete Idiot’s Guide to Mary (2006).

But what does Jose represent for young boys? According to Nelson (pp. 71-73) many see him as the cuckold. And if Mary really was the perpetual virgin, what does this say about Jose? Who wants to be someone who dies on a cross, and does this for others? He stood up for others but never stood up for himself. Many of these characteristics sound effeminate to young boys. In addition he is presented as the diligent breadwinner and in a land of scarcity and diminished opportunities for the large numbers of children entering the world, this model is bound to lead to stress. In modern societies with the great number of single parent families, blended families, families with adopted children, and strains leading to divorce, Jose is felt to be more important then ever. However, he may not speak very directly to young men. (For more on Joseph see: Saint Joseph: His Life and Role in the Church Today by L.B. Perrotta.) Joseph’s story may have a different significance for older men as they are more acutely aware of the problems of their families arising from the large numbers of young men residing in the USA and promising to return one day. This profound decline in the numbers of young men in many communities has transformed the structure of the family.

The week prior to Semana Santa is set aside to sympathize with Mary for the loss of her son and to honour her. I wandered into a church during a mass in which gifts were brought to Mary and was quite surprised by the gifts: mops, brooms, dustpans and cleaning fluids. This left me wondering what would be brought for Jose!

There are cultural rules around gift giving in all societies. In rural Mexico it is women one sees most often presenting gifts and they draw on their strengths by presenting gifts of food. Men, however, have a long history of giving ritual gifts of alcohol, not really suitable for giving to the saints. The giving of alcohol raises many questions about its origin and about consequences for the culture. A topic for another time.

PS The photo above is not of the San Jose event but from another event in which women make offerings Mary.

Saturday, April 18, 2009

IMAGES OF CHRIST


Good Friday is almost past, but not without the procession of images of Christ. Two things struck me on observing this event once again. The first is to be reminded of how easily those in the secular West dismiss Christianity (and perhaps all religions). Second, and related, is the importance of this event.

Let’s begin with a brief description. The procession is scheduled to begin at 7:00PM but everyone knows it won’t begin until dusk. Nevertheless, the center of town is virtually shut down from about 6:300 – about 10 square blocks of this pueblo. As vehicles have been removed, people take to the streets, some taking up their positions along the curbs, others just walking perhaps looking for a better viewing place. By the time the procession begins there must be 1,000 (or perhaps 2,000) on the streets. One has the feeling the entire town has turned out for this annual event. The procession begins with the mandatory truck with four police officers with machine guns at the ready and then the Bishop protected by a canopy held by four men (and perhaps the guns) and then a lovely image of Mary (revealing again her importance as the mother of Christ). The main procession consists of a Christ image from every church in town, some very large images taking 8 men to carry and others no more than 15 inches high. One or two images are of Christ in his glass tomb (which fascinates the young children) and others carried on a mat or in a supine position on the cross. Many of the walkers carry candles to suggest that the life of Christ will live on after his death earlier in the day. The procession takes about 30 minutes to pass: There is no band (which is very unusual) and the entire crowd is silent.

Why do people come? Clearly they do not come to see the latest image as little has changed over the years. It is not novelty that brings them out, but the predictable. If we rely on Brandes (1988) analysis we note that there are no masks, suggesting that the main participants are not playing a social role in which individual identity is lost. On this occasion people are truly playing themselves, as are the crowd. We are all participating in collective ritual in which we must see and be seen. We all remind ourselves of our membership (the writer and probably many other westerners present can be excluded from this claim) and this reminder binds members together and provides a collective identity. In a Catholic country this identity is reinforced several times throughout the year, but the events of these few days restate the importance of that membership and provides emotional attachment and feeling of importance. The events of these days make public the very foundations of the group – a belief in Christ, in the story of his crucifixion and resurrection.

By coincidence I read a story in Canada’s national newspaper reporting the dismay of professors of English literature at the growing unawareness of the story of Christianity among their students. This unawareness prevents them from understanding the metaphors, phrases and persons from the Bible that have shaped much of the literature of the West. Some students fail to understand why their professor is frequently talking about Christianity and perhaps see this as bias. However, this story, which has been around for 2000 years (perhaps the only longer surviving story is that of the Jews) has penetrated much of our language and story telling. Perhaps this is part of my dismay at the ease with which the secular west dismisses Christianity. If this same story were encountered while traveling in the darkest (if any such place still exists) of the Amazon, we would marvel and go out of our way to learn more. Now students would rather take a course in the history of rock music than read the Bible or listen to analysis of this old story.

Friday, April 10, 2009

RITUAL PERFORMANCE IN TZINTZUNTZAN


I arrived in Tzintzuntzan around 9:00 AM on Holy Thursday in order to see the spies (espias) on their horses. I really did not know what to expect as I had not heard anyone speak of this event. I positioned myself at an intersection behind the church and waited. I soon saw a large number of men on horses go through an intersection three blocks away, so knew they were approaching. These riders begin around 9:00am and go systematically through every street in the pueblo, repeating the journey three times. When they approached me I was astounded by the spectacle. There were at least 60 riders on attractive horses and dressed in coordinated colours. They wore red satin hats which covered their face with the exception of a slit, outlined in green, for the eyes. The hat was some what like a bag tied at the top with a yellow or green ribbon. They all wore a tunic which came part way down the legs. The tunics were made of a silk like fabric in colours of gold, red or purple. Some of the tunics were decorated with small white, black or red bows (similar to what is worn in Canada for Aids awareness days or various women’s causes). Some of the men also had a gold breast plate. The pants were white cotton although mostly covered by long red stockings, and their feet were covered with sandals, some with laces going part way up the leg. They then had a coordinated cape that flowed over the back of the horse. They all rode bareback. What a sight.

They entered the olive tree filled atrium of the church and spread out the width of the yard. They stopped every 50 feet and some of the riders appeared to whistle with their hands or using a small clay whistle. As one man’s sound faded the next would repeat the sound, and so on. It was a sight right out of a movie or from a previous life.

So, what was this about? Foster (1945) and Brandes (1988) tell us that this event has been going on for as long as anyone can remember. People claimed the spies were originally to watch for people working on Holy Wednesday or Holy Thursday. They had the right to impound the tools of the worker who must pay a fine to have them returned. It was clearly no longer about this as many people were working – a group of people were sweeping the entire church yard and others were building the stage for the performance of the passion play. So it appears to be entirely performance with the entire pueblo as the set. Brandes suggests that the performance continues because it brings prestige to the community and it was clear that the community was expecting large crowds on Good Friday. I was not aware of tourists but many people had cameras.

The performance has become more elaborate with the passing of time. Foster describes the riders in 1945 wearing silk dresses borrowed from their mothers and having a red felt hat covering the face. Brandes describes the event from 1981 and saw the same hats but the dresses had been replaced with white cotton shirts and pants. In 2009, I saw the beautiful performance described briefly above. What was at one time a functional ritual has evolved into an entirely ritual performance.

To complicate this story there is another dimension. Before going to this event a friend reported that the riders were Jews looking for Jesus (since he was a Jew I hoped he was joking since this would stir-up the controversy between Christians and Jews). Later another friend reported that a tour guide told him the riders were looking for Jesus. Since the costumes do seem to have changed quite dramatically from those described by Foster and Brandes could it be that the community has created a new role for the riders and made the costumes look much more like Roman riders in order to fit the story?

As a small aside: On one street a family erected an alter with a manequin dressed as a spy along with a photo of the dead family member. The riders stopped to this alter and blew their whistles. Of note is that the dead rider was shown in the clothing of a slightly earlier time period. While much of the costume was familiar it was not identical to those on the street today.

Monday, April 6, 2009

HOW NAMES CHANGE


Over the past two decades or more we have seen indigenous names of towns, lakes, physical features and so on, replace previous English (or Spanish, etc.) names. Presumably this was undertaken as a sign of respect. Bombay is now Mumbai and in Canada the names of First Nations groupings have been changed to reflect indigenous languages.

One day a friend wondered aloud when the term P’urepecha (also spelled as Purepecha) became common in reference to the local indigenous peoples of Michoacan and the Spanish term, Tarascan, (perhaps derived from a mishearing of a native word) became less common. Both terms can be used to refer to the people and to the language group. It is clear, however, as you look around the state and listen to news that the term P’urepecha is now the preferred term.

One way to begin to track this change would be to look at the terms used in classic anthropological ethnographies. Ethnographers (mainly English speaking by birth) have been in the region for almost 70 years so there is a solid database. I reviewed a few of these.

Ralph Beals was in the region from about 1941 and published an ethnography on the pueblo of Cheran in 1946. He uses only the term “Tarascan”. The 1998 edition contains a forward by the other grandfather of ethnographies in the area, George Foster, and he only uses the term “Tarascan”. (I expect Foster’s ethnography of Tzintzuntzan, published in 1948, also uses this term, but I cannot confirm this). George West (1948) describing the cultural geography of the area known as “once pueblos” only uses the term “Tarascan”. Donald Brand, writing in 1951 about the pueblo of Quiroga, only uses the term “Tarascan” (pp. 1-3, 9) and at times refers to “Indians” (p. 11). Michael Belshaw (1967), describing the pueblo of Huecorio, avoids the problem by only referring to the people of Huecorio or Huecorians. Stanley Brandes (1988), a student of Foster and also studying Tzintzuntzan since 1967, uses the term P’urepecha in his index where it says “see Tarascan”. The first mention of Tarascan says “..known in their own language as P’urepecha”. Cynthia Nelson, also a student of George Foster and arriving in Erongaricuaro in 1960 does say in her 1971 book on this pueblo “.. a Tarascan people or culture (properly known as Purepecha). (p. 10) This does seem to indicate the beginnings of a shift in thinking or at least an awareness of appropriateness. However, if we jump forward to the 2006 book on Day of the Dead in Mexico by Stanley Brandes we find he uses only the term “Tarascan” and no longer gives the indigenous equivalent. Another recent authors, Martha Works and Keith Hadley (2000), review the 1948 work by West (see above) and make use of his photography. But they say in the first footnote: “.. Tarasca and Tarascan are now considered to be Spanish colonial constructs” and they always use the term Purepecha. This line suggests the use of Tarascan has a moral implication but a local anthropologist says that this is not so. Perhaps as some confirmation of this when we picked up two village people needing a ride we heard them chatting for some time. They then apologized and said they were speaking Tarascan.

This post may not have clarified anything but it has narrowed the search somewhat. This type of investigation could also be considered for tourist guides to the area, folk art histories, historical reports of the area and so on. Or it might be interesting to compare English speaking authors and Spanish speaking authors.

Wednesday, April 1, 2009

WHAT WAS THAT EVENT? A WEDDING?

This post is very speculative and I would appreciate any comments.

We were walking around the town of Paracho (the guitar town) when we heard a rather alarming noise behind us – much shouting and horn honking. We turned to find two or three trucks loaded with young men and women and the men with blackened faces. Was this the coming revolution! Upon asking we were told it was a wedding and the large group was going to pick up the bride. The trucks stopped on a side street and a young man in the traditional dress (white cotton shirt with embroidery and white cotton pants) appeared to be dancing to accompaniment of shouting and clapping. What was going on?

In search of an answer I turned to the ethnography by Ralph Beals (1946) on the town of Cheran which lies about 10 km to the north. Beals describes a traditional Tarascan wedding but his information comes from the 1930s and early 1940s and is an ideal portrait of weddings as he never witnessed one that fit this description. Let me summarize his description by identifying the main events in a sequence of activities.

1. The groom “steals” the bride. This is usually by consent and according to plan.
a. Parents of groom visit the bride’s house to ask for “pardon” and entice the father to consent with gifts.
b. If the father accepts, the neighbors and family are called together and much drinking occurs.
2. A few days later both families assemble and exchange bread and tomales. Much drinking occurs.
3. The couple makes application for a civil wedding. They almost always marry prior to the religious wedding.
4. Religious marriage.
a. Very early in the morning the bride’s parents hire a band and go to the groom’s house to take him clothing. He must dance once dressed.
b. Parents and godparents of groom go the house of the bride and take her clothing.
c. Parents, relatives and band take the couple to the church (still very early).
d. Bride and family go to her house.
e. Remainder of the group goes to the groom’s house.
f. All then go to the bride’s house and then back to the groom’s house for breakfast.
g. Bride returns to her house.
h. Band plays in the groom’s house and more and more friends drop in for food.
i. Meanwhile the sibling, cousins and grandparents of groom hire a band and go through the streets, ending up at the groom’s uncle for something to eat. They then proceed to the godparents of the bride where they sing outside the house and then enter to seek permission to take the bride.
j. The group then goes to the house of the bride and immediately asks for permission to take the bride. If the bride’s parents consent they take the bride back to the groom’s house along with gifts of clothing.
k. At the groom’s house there is the traditional distribution of bread.
l. All begin to drink and the gift clothing is distributed.

Now perhaps we can make some sense of what I saw on the street. The event observed appears to relate to 4(i) above. We observed the event in question around 1:00 so if the wedding occurred early in the morning and people have had time for breakfast and then some further food it seems reasonable that the picking up of the bride would be around this time. The groom was dressed very differently than others and his cloths may have been the gift from the bride’s parents and the cloths he was married in. The event on the street may have been the serenading of the godparents of the bide and obtaining their consent. Many of those in the trucks were drinking heavily and as this was the last major event of the day prior to the exchange of gifts and more drinking, it seems right. However, Beals makes no mention of the blackened faces. So perhaps my speculation is off course or this is a new addition to the tradition in the last 60 years. Any suggestions?

Saturday, March 14, 2009

LIVING IN A LAND OF SCARCITY


As western societies have become prosperous and the poor are pushed to the margins, we forget what a life of scarcity looks like. You can, however, visit communities in which the location of these two groups is reversed. Where the life of scarcity is central and the rich are at the margins. These communities can easily be found in developing nations. What does life look like in such an environment?

It may be as simple as going to a small store and buying a single cigarette or a single bandaid for your blister. Or discovering ads for viagra with a single tablet to the box; being able to purchase 4 antacids rather than a whole bottle. It means being almost entirely dependent on what is grown locally and being aware of seasonal availability. It is being aware that many of your neighbors open their front gates to reveal a table selling a few candies to children or a few vegetables or a few handmade objects. Where everyone is a vendor or has a trade useful in the local neighborhood. The man who will sharpen your knives, the person who sets up a small stand in the evening to sell fresh fruit or bread from a bakery two blocks away, the woman selling handmade hats, those selling clay cooking pots, children selling gum, the many local stands selling prepared foods in the early afternoon or evening, the person on a mule selling a few sticks of firewood or a bag of leaves (used like compost). Or it may be noticing that not everyone has a private telephone but many go to a local shop to use a phone. Or where there are internet shops in every neighborhood and a few where children can play computer games. Where people will walk for miles with their children rather than take an inexpensive bus. Or seeing that many things, including inexpensive plastic toys , are sold on a lay away plan or that a pair of jeans can be brought on credit.

Or if you get to know your neighbors well you learn that they cook over an open fire in the back of their yard, and that they have no water storage system so only use the water for 2-3 hours a day when it is piped into their house from the street. Many people will burn all of their garbage in the back yards rather than pay the 10 to 20 cents to the local garbage truck. They have no heating system although the night temperature frequently drops to 40-45 degrees. Young people take their courtship to the street or the plaza as there is little privacy in the home. Many homes will have a few chickens in the backyard, even if they live a few doors from city hall. Those a little to the edge of town may have cows or pigs. Other may have garden variety fruit trees. All of this assists in feeding the family and may provide a few goods for the market. When a member of the family dies you don’t put their cloths in a box and drop it at a impersonal pick-up station, destined for the consignment store or a charity. Rather you take it directly to the local flea market and sell it yourself.

Festivities are not the domain of the commercial sector (this parade brought to you by coca cola, or, these fire works are paid for by a distant government). Rather they are organized by the neighborhood, often centered around the church, or by individuals from the community appointed to the festival committee on an annual basis. Many life events are expensive - illness, death, baptism, marriage - and a well developed scheme of borrowing money from a group of friends exist, thus tying everyone into a necessary and strong set of relationships. Much different than seeing your local loans officer.


Those who are disabled may drag themselves through the market asking for money or those in wheelchairs may place themselves in the middle of the road asking motorists for donations. In more urban areas those in need of money may sell newspapers, maps, lottery tickets, or novelty items at intersections so you can shop from the car window. Or the enterprising may enter the intersection during the red light and perform acts of fire breathing or juggling, often atop a ladder to maximize the audience, and with perfect timing appear to ask for a donation before the light turns.

While this reduction in options may appear to the outsider as onerous it does present many advantages. Citizens have a stronger connection to the land and a much stronger connection to their neighborhood as they may purchase goods from them or even eat food they provide in the neighborhood. Without the burden of choosing from 25 different toothpaste or from attending to the constant appearance of new products, market decisions are fewer and shopping time is reduced and become immeasurably less stressful. The lack of separation between commercial and residential life makes for a more interesting community.

While life is certainly more difficult for people there is a sense of community which is hard to create in more developed societies.

FIESTAS: FOLLOW THE MONEY


Brandes (1988) offers a very useful analysis of the role of fiestas in Mexico. While the example he works with is the pueblo of Tzintzuntzan I think much of what he says is probably generalizable. The tile of the book is Power and Persuasion and so he shows us how to see that fiestas have elements of the power structure of the community built into them. He looks, for example, at the study of the fireworks which are a significant element of any fiesta. He shows us how we should ask important questions: who pays for the fireworks? Who receives the fireworks? In his case the origin of the fireworks reveals a structure of submission and dominance and the receipt of the fireworks reveals the power structure of the community.

Fiestas are very expensive and often leave individuals in debt. In 1951 Ocativio Paz writes that the Mexican fiesta is “ .. a ritual squandering of the goods painfully accumulated during the rest of the year”. If so, why do people do this? The psychology of this is unclear but in some communities we see that the position of carguero (the person or persons responsible for organizing and thus raising the funds for a particular fiesta) is often a symbol of status. It would be unusual to elect a poor person to the position of carguero so most of those who do get elected are among the more wealthy. To understand the connection between the carguero and the fiesta we need to go to anthropology to learn something of community psychology. Mexican pueblos often give the impression of great communal involvement and activity. Deeper down, however, we find that these communities are very individualistic and have a somewhat fatalistic attitude. It is often believed that the goods of the world are already distributed and will not change very much. (For more on this see the writings of George Foster). However, it is apparent that some are more wealthy (have more of the good) than do others. How does this tension get dealt with?

We can see that to some extent the fiesta is a mechanism to redistribute the goods and thus has elements of the potlatch of the West Coast Native peoples. In a stratified society the fiesta gives to others in the community if only through the receipt of entertainment, some food and perhaps some tequila. A very small number of people will be employed directly. Over a five day period, which is not uncommon for fiestas, a number of bands are hired, there is much dancing, many very large diner parties are held and much alcohol is given away. These things do not of course sustain people in the way that new blankets might or might other sustainable economic goods. However, this redistribution does cement the honoured position of the giver and perhaps eases the tension that flows from inequality. (A more wealthy person may be left with bills exceeding $15,000 dollars, a not inconsiderable sum). Perhaps it is the case that those sponsors who do not have sufficient funds must go to their network of possible lenders and this cementing of relationships of dependence helps build and maintain community stability and solidarity. So the fiesta may be a squandering of money, but it appears to serve a function in the pueblos.

With this in mind I was struck during attendance at one fiesta to be shown the carguero. He was a very young man who spends a great deal of time in the United States were presumably he makes a reasonable amount of money. He then returns home to spend this on his community. (Again, not in building houses or parks but in sponsoring a party.) At a second very large fiesta the “master of ceremonies” identified the sponsors of the fiesta and gave the amount of their donation. The vast majority of these people were from California. What would Brandes make of this? Does it suggest that power has moved out of the community and indeed out of the country? Does it reveal the tension between those who stay at home and those who go abroad to succeed in ways they could not at home? Does it equalize everyone to a small extent and encourage the feeling of collective involvement? Or perhaps, the giver does not make sufficient money in the USA to attain status there or his status is blocked by discrimination, but when he brings some of this money home he can attain an honorary position for himself and his family.

Tuesday, March 10, 2009

HATS OF THE HERMITS


While attending a pastorela dance in Michoacan I was struck by the tall pointy hats of many of the dancers. These dancers were called the hermits (ermitanos) and this hat is found in many pueblos while other hermits are characterized by a very European looking mask and on occasion by a peasant-like straw cape. The pastorela is usually performed over the Christmas season and is in essence a nativity play. The first description of such a play in Mexico is from 1586 although the performance can be dated back to the 12th century. While some of the roles appear to be similar to those dating back many years each community presents its own version and it is often difficult to see just how it relates to the nativity story. So what was the origin of the pointy hat?

I recalled my childhood days when the pointy hat was called a “dunce cap” and was associated with being stupid or misbehaving. This hat goes back to the 13th century Scottish philosopher John Duns Scotus whose ideas where very popular. Duns had his students wear a pointy hat because he believed this shape helped channel knowledge. As always happens, however, Dun’s ideas fell out of favour and the pointy hat became associated with being stupid or holding unorthodox religious ideas. We need to keep in mind that philosophy at that time was largely religious philosophy. So how does this get to Mexico?
These hermits of Ihuatzio show that not all hermits wear the pointy hat.


You may be familiar with an interesting painting by the Spanish artist Goya (1746-18280) of an ecclesiastical tribunal in which the accused wears a pointy hat. The Spanish Inquisition was introduced in 1478 and while controlled by the Catholic monarch was really a religious court aimed at maintaining Catholic orthodoxy. Spain at that time was a multi-religious society (Catholics, Jews and Muslims – and later Protestants). The Muslims were defeated in 1492 and were converting to Christianity in order to attain access to the benefits of the wider society. Jews had begun to do the same after the terrible pogroms of the last part of the 14th century. However, there was growing concern that many of these were false conversions and that in fact many were secretly practicing their previous religion. A great majority of the accused during the first 200 hundred years of the inquisition were indeed Muslims. Other offences that came to the tribunal were sexual offenses and misbehavior by priests, particularly if they were espousing unorthodox beliefs.
Here the hats are very very pointy - Santa Fe de la Languna.

The inquisition was introduced to Mexico in 1570 so we can now guess a little as to what happened. Perhaps a priest was involved in sexual misbehaviour or announced unorthodox beliefs and his punishment involved something more than acquittal and less than burning at the stake. His public humiliation led him to withdraw from the society and as a result become a little crazy. His role in the pastorela is in part comic but also a symbol of someone who gave way to temptation. Thus, like the devils and the drunkards he is to be tamed by the presence of the church.

There is a remaining mystery. In the dance depicted in the above photo all of the hats had a number on them. I was unable to imagine that this was a personal identification or a hat size, so now I wonder if it was just a random number representing the number of the accused in the ecclesiastical tribunal. Does any one have knowledge of this?

Friday, February 20, 2009

THE VALUE OF A PLAZA!


As a resident of Mexico one quickly comes to love the plaza as it is the centre of public life (and to some extent private) and sets the tone for the whole community. In Canada and the USA there is a feeling that this type of space is missing and attempts are often made to create these feeling in private spaces – in the malls. It is unclear if this can ever be achieved in developed nations as a cultural mind-set is also required to maintain a large public space. But let’s describe one plaza in a small Mexican village.

The plaza encompasses 4-5 square blocks and has many of the typical features of such spaces: The plaza is almost entirely surrounded by portals which protect one from the elements but also provide a transition from the commercial spaces of the businesses and municipal offices and the public space of the plaza itself. In the portals one can enjoy a cup of coffee, share a meal with fiends or buy an ice-cream. The plaza itself has large walkways, three fountains (one with a large statue of a local hero), stone benches around the fountain and the periphery as well as a substantial grass area that you are asked to stay off.

In the plaza one can also see hints of the power structure of the village. The municipal office is here, the homes of three or four of the older and still powerful families front the square and as the rents are high the owners have some influence. Unlike many plazas there is no church here which of course is still a great power in Mexico. The other anomaly is the presence of a quite large building (the Palacio) owned by the indigenous community, granted to them 20 years ago and almost 400 years after the death of the last king. Is this real power? It is unclear.

It is the use made of the entire plaza that reflects the culture of the village. Activities fluctuate throughout the day, as does the mood. In the morning all is quite with people enjoying a coffee or breakfast and others strolling to work or to the markets. A few women sit on a corner selling the tortillas they have made early in the morning. As the temperature warms vendors arrive with fruit stalls and people spend time on the benches. By late afternoon you can experience a wide variety of happenings which vary over the year and time of day. Small stalls are setup on the sidewalks selling hats and scarves, others the work of artisans, the goods of the store spill out on to the sidewalk, school children on their way home stop to play in the fountain and to tease each other and mobile vendors sell various food stuffs and other goods. A band may show up and soon people are dancing, the dog training class arrives to go through their paces, children with new bikes are learning to ride, adults do some power walking as their daily exercise, the school bands come to practice their skills and perhaps a group of kindergarden kids arrive with their tutor to learn how to march (focusing on the art of turning corners and staying in line) or other school children may come to practice short races. By early evening the plaza fills with people just strolling and visiting, young lovers gather around the fountains and many are eating the goods from food stalls – fruit, corn, atole (a type of hot drink), tamales and always the ice cream. Later men and women arrive with mobile stalls selling hamburgers, pizza, breads, candies. And finally the “hippies” appears with their tables loaded with jewelry.

The weekends may have a more festive mood with the sale of balloons and pull toys for kids, musicians play, the local traditional dancers perform the dance of the viejitos (the old ones), very small horses take children around the outside of the space, someone erects a small pace for children to work on drawings or paintings, and on occasion the municipality erects a stage for very good guitar players or singers.

There are of course special occasions. For day of the dead and for three kings day the plaza fills with vendors, political disputes may be played out by buses blocking all traffic around the plaza (if not the entire town), there is a performance of the Christmas story followed by the breaking of piñatas. At Easter a large representation of the sorrow of Mary is centrally displayed and the procession of silence winds around the square. Funeral processions may go through the plaza and wedding cars announce to the village a change in life for two people, carnival dancers use the space as do dancers honouring the anniversary of the last king of the indigenous empire, wreathes are placed around the main fountain on the anniversary of the Bishop honoured here. Parades for the first day of spring, or celebrating the day of the revolution, or independence day, or flag day or almost any other event, all take place here.

All of this activity appears to go on without dispute or intervention by the police. There also appears to be little vandalism. Spending time in the plaza almost always leaves you with a sense of peace and belonging and a strong desire to return again just to sit and watch.

There are other plazas in the village and if you want to have your shoes shined, buy a paper or magazine, sit and talk to the people of even smaller villages, buy (and eat) a wide variety of foods, purchase a pirated movie, have a shrimp cocktail or sit in the evening for a good meal of plaza chicken, then go to the small plaza

Wednesday, February 18, 2009

TRADITIONAL DANCE AS A STUDY IN CONTRASTS


Having visited Tzintzuntzan for the fiesta del Senor Rescate at least three times I was excited to discover Brandes’ book of 1988 on fiestas and social control in Mexico. He has done field work in Tzintzuntzan for many years and this pueblo was the focus of his analysis. What had previously seemed like a Pastorela gone bad now began to make some sense to me. So a few weeks ago I returned to the pueblo to watch La Danza to see if I could find the elements he described or to see what might have changed over 30 years.

The dance was revived in 1974 and the work by Brandes comes from observations in 1977 so much may have changed. It does have some of the elements of the Pastorlea common throughout the state but there are elements that make it unique to Tzintzuntzan. There are about 100 dancers with a few specific roles. There are two to three angels all played by young girls, about 60 cristianos who dress in long white dresses, wear a long red cape with religious symbols embroidered on them. Four of these dancers are leaders who appear at the heads of the lines and have slightly differently costumes. Brandes reported that two were women and two were men but on this occasion they were all women distinguished by a high collar trimmed in fur on their capes. Then there are at least two devils who may or not be in red and at least two death figures. Finally there are an unlimited number of others in black capes and wearing monster masks. Have no fear however as the monsters and devils usually have religious symbols on their backs as well. All of this is consistent with Brandes.

The cristianos begin the dances by moving in quite well organized lines, at times going in circles and then doubling back, sometimes holding hands as they move down the centre of the field and other times appearing to weave in and out of their own lines. Brandes explains that they also make lines to form a cross and at other times weave to illustrate the symbol of the snake (a representation of evil). This part was not obvious to me but the field was so crowded, and much dust was rising, that it may have just been impossible to recognize the patterns. While this is going on the “others” danced in a very disorganized fashion around the outside of the lines formed by the cristianos and at times getting in their way. There appeared to be little interaction with the organized lines but they did interact with the audience. The younger dancers would occasionally grab a young member of the audience and try to pull them into the group or they would push a snake in their face or offer them something that looked like an attractive gift but was dangerous. Frequently these dancers would then briefly remove their mask to reveal their identity to a friend. All of the non-humans avoided human speech and only expressed themselves in shrieks. What I did not see, but which Brandes makes much of, were examples of rude behavour or even of forbidden behaviours. There were no signs of homosexual gestures or gestures of sexual intercourse. No intimations of toilet behaviour or of using their swords or scythes as symbols of the phallus. The other significant difference was that all the masks were now made of plastic while in the past the majority had been of wood.

In spite of these missing elements one could see indications of ways in which the dance reinforced cultural ideals and displayed what could be seen as the ideal behaviour. The ideal dancers for example, were organized and danced in a coordinated way while the others danced in a chaotic fashion. All of the devils, death figures and the monsters were men which says a great deal about expectations. The fact that the “troublemakers” are all boys and men may say to boys and men that the society understands their true nature but also informs them that this day is the only time this behaviour will be tolerated. It also shows that the things people fear the most – death, evil and aggression can be looked at squarely and laughed at for one day at least.

In all, however, one can see a dance of contrast: Christians and non-Christians, humans and non-human, order and disorder, culture and nature, light and dark. All of this is given religious approval on the previous night when all of the dancers walk in procession with people of the town carrying their religious image (here call the “coronitas” ) through the street and enter the church for mass before performing the dance for the first time during the fiesta.

One thing I did notice which seemed to challenge the underlying assumptions was that at least one of the cristianos, who are supposed to be unmarried women and men, was carrying her baby. Another young women had a stud in her lower lip, a sign of a wider culture creeping into the pueblo.

If you want to see more photos from this and other dances go to: flickr.com/photos/okeover

Tuesday, February 10, 2009

MYSTERY IN A MEXICAN VILLAGE



Stand still! Listen to the church bells. The funeral procession approaching. The fireworks announcing the beginning of a celebration. The sound of the band as a carnival procession approaches your street. Sometime I think I hear something invisible, something I can almost see. Perhaps the spirit, or what others have called the collective conscience or the ties of community bonds.

This invisible something becomes most powerful during certain celebratory events with great community participation. Events such as the celebration of Easter. As a non-Catholics I do not appreciate the religious symbolism and as a member of a secular, individualistic culture I do not fully grasp what is happening. But I do feel emotion rising in my chest as I follow along as a non-member. Following the Palm Sunday celebration with Jesus retaking the walk into the city of Jerusalem followed by his disciples, angels, incense burners and a large group of believers waving palm boughs, one senses a ritual being reenacted for yet another time and probably with many of the same community members involved. Then entering the church to see a full church standing, waving their palm boughs and repeating: Christ is King”, even the non-believer experiences something. What is this?
Observing the story of Jesus’ betrayal, the trial and then sentence by Pilot, the whipping and then the procession to Calvary, again one senses the importance of ritual and not a tourist performance. The actors are all local people and yet the performance is professional, the costumes believable even if you look closely and see the Roman helmets include old broom heads painted gold, the actors give no hint of over acting or of signaling that they feel foolish or are just playing. Then as you watch the procession proceeding with Jesus carrying a large cross and stopping at some of the ‘stations’ one begins to sense the enormity of the undertaking and the emotional power of ritual. Watching the three crosses being raised with Jesus bearing his crown of thorns one again has a strong sense of something mysterious just about to be revealed. But what is it?

During the procession of silence this invisible something again pulls at you. The procession begins as night is about to fall and among other things includes a large image of Jesus carrying the cross or on the cross and a large image of the grieving Mary. The participants in the procession also include young people carrying many of the ritual items – the hammer and nails used for the crucifixion, the dice and vinegar, the crown of thorns, white linens to wrap the body – a group of angels, many groups in barefeet and covering their heads in pointed hats with only holes for their eyes, and a drummer who beats out a mournful sound throughout the procession. Most are dressed in black and carry red candle lights. As the procession winds through the town everything appears to go quiet except for the haunting sound of the drum. On one block on a residential street, every household has adorned the street with pine needles, erected alters, decorated the sidewalks with bows and colorful hoop holding candles. What is it that is in the air? What do I feel?
The resurrection procession is quite different as it now includes a large image of Jesus rising from his burial place and an image of the local Virgin. The music on this occasion is happy and the procession is accompanied by the lighting of colourful fireworks as the group passes each church along the route. The procession culminates in a large outdoor mass and then the ritualistic blowing up of Judas (and perhaps a local politician or two). These last events appear to alleviate the burden of the past three days as people hold their ears during the Judas blasts and dodge the sparkling “foot chasers” let off from the fireworks attached to Judas.
One is drawn to all of these events in part by the spectacle itself but more importantly by the strong representation of collective emotion and community solidarity in paying for and supporting these events. It is the ritual that is important and not the spectacle. The ritual appears to tie people to their community, to their beliefs, and uses emotion to give a sense of identity and belonging. It reminds us of what has been lost in more secular countries where our attempts at widespread participation is turned into a commercial events and the police are required to deal with the drunks. We come away from secular events remembering only the spectacle and not feeling a strong attachment to the community or our neighbors.

THE VIRGIN APPEARS


December 8, crowds gather inside and outside of the Basilica in anticipation of the appearance of the Virgin of Salud, the Virgin unique to Patzcuaro, Michoacan and responsible for a great deal of religious tourism The celebration coincides with the annual appearance of the fair, a collection of about 20 midway rides, games of chance, auctioneers flogging mounds of plastic household goods, and the aroma of many food stalls lining the streets. All of this is within a few yards of the Basilica, the site of the appearance. (In 2009 the feria was moved close to the edge of town.)

As the time passes those on the outside of the building stand on tiptoes, straining to see inside to determine if the Virgin has begun her slow walk among the crowds inside. Lovers press against the side of the Basilica, young granddaughter guide their grandmothers unaccustomed to the life of the city, fathers hoist their children to their shoulders, the screams of young girls and boys rise from the nearby rides and the relentless sound of explosions from the fireworks announcing the impending appearance of the Virgin fill the ears. The patience of the old mix with the exuberance of the young to create an atmosphere of anticipation. With some frequency eruptions of gunpowder drown out the noise from the secular fiesta surrounding the church. As if there is not entertainment enough, a twenty piece brass band plays in the corner of the courtyard and those so moved dance a few steps while their children run noisily and climb the bell tower of the church, shouting down their progress.

A sudden explosion of noisy fireworks rising over our heads signals that perhaps the time is near. Then, as if on cue, candles float from the Basilica followed by the Virgin being held aloft by ten believers and followed by a small coterie of priests in white. She makes her way slowly, the crowds gradually giving way to her movement and those close enough touch her garments; those gathered do not shout her name, but clap softly as she passes. The Virgin is about 500 hundred years old, made of cane paste with a technique used by the Tarascan peoples for many more years. She stands about 5 feet tall, a luxurious blue robe covering a long white dress; a crown depicts her status of Queen, an honour bestowed by the Pope about 100 years ago.

If you are lucky enough to be in Patzcuaro on the occasional year when the Virgin actually takes to the street, going much beyond the courtyard, you will experience two or three hours of religious fervour. Major streets are decorated in pine needles, rows of candles and then gladiolas are placed down the centre. The Virgin is preceded by constant fireworks and the procession is led by religious leaders, a small group of musicians. and a growing group of pilgrims. As She appears the gathered crowd cheers and shouts “long live the Queen of Mexico”, long live our heritage” and then some join the procession picking up the candles as they proceed. The procession visits the 5 or 6 churches in the historical centre where a series of prayers are made and a new group of believers takes on the task of carrying the prize. The procession returns to the Basilica making its way through the secular crowd and arriving to a great display of firework exploding over the church.

After this excitement one can just catch their breath before the festival of Guadalupe (that’s the other Virgin) on December 12.

Sunday, February 1, 2009

MARX REVISITED

I have recently been thinking about Karl Marx' famous line about religion being the opiate of the masses. Opiate suggests a dulling of the senses and a state of being unaware of ones real condition. Marx of course saw this state as an impediment to the development of class consciousness and revolution that should follow. Religion of any kind seems to have something to do with dealing with an unpredictable world and the absence of direct control. Through religion one can believe one is exercising some control over events in your life. Before the arrival of Christianity to Mexico peoples believed in deities of various kinds and these could be invoked to deal with the unpredictable - help ensure that it rained, save a sick child, deal with natural disasters, improve human and crop fertility and deal with that great unknown, death.

The other line that keeps entering my mind is the social science claim that religiosity declines as the welfare state increases. The welfare state helps deal with some of the unpredictability of life: it provides a way to deal with illness, crop failure, safety rules to protect your children, and so on. In some way the states substitutes for the deities. If Marx was correct then both the welfare state and religion are opiates.

Let's look briefly at some events in Mexico. Any observer is shocked by the degree of risk in life and the number of young people in graves. As you drive along you notice many small trucks on the highway with small children sitting in the open box of the truck, ready to be thrown to injury and death at the smallest accident. If you need a truck to make a living and to transport goods to your pueblo and can't afford two vehicles, what choices do you have but to put the kids in the back? You also notice that highways and intersections are not engineered as well as they might be, increasing the likelihood of accident. If there is little you can do about these things why not hang an image of the Virgin in your window! If illness is around every corner and affordable health care is unavailable, why not entreat the Virgin to look after you. What do you do if you know that water quality is not always high? What do you do if your doctor recommends a drug to help with your child's sickness and yet the drug costs more than you are able to pay? Why not believe in miracles! In a land of the welfare state there is usually a mechanism of appeal to a tribunal of some kind and if not directly to a local politician. Mexico has a weak but developing welfare state but it is particularly weak as far as the poor and indigenous populations are concerned. So it appears to be among these groups that religion still has a strong hold. But does this leave them in a semi-aware state? It appears not.

In a land of structured corruption what do you do to gain some control over governments that do not appear to respond to your voice or your needs? No miracles here: People take to the streets in protest. In my area young students at a rural teachers college who were experiencing declining financial support for the college began to block the highway, handing out information sheets and asking for donations. They eventually took to hijacking buses on the highway and demanding financial aid for their return. This resulted in death and destruction and many young people taken to jail. During fiestas in our pueblo many people set up small stalls to sell foods or goods and as there is a rich festival life here this becomes an important source of income for many poor or indigenous families. The government recently decided to clean up the streets (perhaps for the tourists, or for those store owners with regular businesses). The small vendors did not take this sitting down. Local buses blocked the streets in support of their friends and the riot squad was called in to ensure that people did not act independently and set up their stalls.

So there appears to be a substantial contradiction between the ways people deal with areas of no control. In the most nebulous areas where it appears to be an individual problem (although everyone goes through these events eventually) you turn to religion. But when it is the government that you have elected to serve you, you take to the streets. There is class consciousness in some areas and not in others. Marx, however, is every where even in a somewhat traditional land. The newspaper recently talked about the "pulverization"
of the middle class; the "proletarianization" of the middle class; and the "pauperization" of the poor - terms you would never find in a newspaper of Canada or the USA. This land also came very close (some would say they won) to electing a very left wing government.

LIKE HOCKEY FOR DANCING


Two weeks ago we traveled to San Juan Nuevo in Michoacan to witness the competition of the famous traditional dance of that town - the dance of the Kurpites, a dance dating back 300-400 years. As I watched the event unfold I began to think that the experience was similar to watching a hockey game in Canada. Let me illustrate. We arrived to discover that a stage had been erected in the town plaza and temporary viewing stands built on all 4 sides. The place was crowded shortly after the beginning and by the arrival of the main event there were at least 1.000 people present. The main event was a competition between two neighorhood teams, each team with about 12 dancers. The dance has clearly defined roles: Maria, a beautiful woman (perhaps representing Mary or a grandmother), the grandfather (or perhaps Joseph) and ten young men (the Kurpites). All have wonderfully carved wooden masks and exquisite garments and all must be unmarried men. The outfit of the grandfather is the most beautiful with every inch covered in embroidery or sequins. The interpretation of the dance is unclear but in one way or another it seems to be about courtship or gaining approval to marry. Each of the Kurpites wears a beautiful handmade apron sewn by his girlfriend. Each team dances and then the two Marias dance, then the two grandfathers and finally a representative of the Kurpities. A winner is chosen and then more dancing ensues through the streets and back on the stage. So how does hockey come into this?

Many vendors move through the crowds and everyone is eating. More importantly the crowd comes equipped with noise makers and they cheer for their favorite team (or for their neighborhood). There is much applause and as the various dancers take to the stage they throw candies for the children. There is great excitement. Like hockey the dancers must practice a great deal to improve their foot work and body moves. Indeed my friend who had not seen this dance before had convinced himself that the Maria had hips and breasts and was unbelieving when told she was a man. Dancers are carefully nurtured in the community, for example the first act of the afternoon had been a dance of the Kurpites by young community members and their outfits were equally beautiful and the dancers polished. I am sure every house in Canada still has a hockey stick or two in the basement and maybe some tattered equipment. As the afternoon progressed I began to imagine that every house in San Juan Nuevo must have a mask or two, maybe an old apron or other dance items. The dance penetrates the town very deeply.
While there are similarities to hockey we see that the old dance has not been commercialized nor professionalized and the dancers dance for the status and not for money. But the dance gives the town pride through the skill of its community dancers and though the extensive involvement of the entire community. It is a source of identity and to some extent distinguishes this town from others.

While the community itself pays for much of this event there are other interesting sources of financial support I will try to talk about in a future post.

Thursday, January 29, 2009

SOUNDS OF COMMUNITY


I was listening to a radio program on churches recently and heard that in many Canadian cities it has become illegal to ring the bells of churches in city centres – the neighbors had complained. Everything in these neighborhoods has become “noise”. Modern urban dwellers are accustomed to noise - traffic, construction, garden equipment – all of which is treated as a distraction or something to complain about. Indeed many of our communities have noise bylaws. In Mexico one has a very different experience of noise. There may well be more noise, but more importantly it takes on a different significance as it signals community life and involves you in that community of hearers
As the day begins, usually at 6:30, but often much earlier, church bells begin to ring. These bells don’t just signal that mass is in progress, but they serve as an alarm and the pattern of the bells gives a sense of how long you have to get to church. Throughout the day the bells ring and you begin to recognize that some of these bells depict funerals, weddings or celebratory events. You become involved in the social life of the imagined community. Both religious and secular events are preceded by rounds of fireworks (not the colourful kind, but the noisy kind) which tell you where an event is located and the frequency of the explosions signals the amount or time until the event.

At 7:30 each morning the gas trucks begin to ply their product with a loudspeaker announcing their presence on your street and usually giving a phone number as well as few bars of the William Tell overture. About the same time each morning major stores have vehicles with loudspeakers addressing the women of the house to reveal the specials of the day. Throughout the day you will also hear the hand-rung bells of the garbage collectors or you will hear shouts of “santorini” announcing the presence of water delivery in your neighborhood. Put your jug (garafon) out, along with some money, and a fresh jug will be provided. There is the constant sound of the ice cream wagon, usually around school let out time. Then there is the loooong sound of a truck horn announcing the arrival of the milk truck providing fresh, unpasturized milk. Take your jug to the street and the vendor will fill it from a series of milk cans. With less frequency is a whistle, which sounds like a duck, telling you that the postman is at your door or another more musical whistle telling you that the knife sharpener is walking on your street. Another frequent sound is that of the high school band practicing their marching music. At other times the music indicates a procession of some kind, perhaps a funeral or a procession taking the virgin from one church to another. At election time there are never-ending loudspeakers roaming the city asking for your support and involvement. Once a year you also hear the announcement that the circus is in town or you may well encounter the elephants walking through the plaza to draw attention to the event. The sound of hooves on the cobblestones indicates young people in need are selling firewood, or a type of compost, on your street.

There are of course the noises of an irritating manner – the honks of a local traffic jam, neighbors playing their music too loudly (for you), the hammering of construction, and with growing frequency the sound of an airplane flying too low. Sometimes this is the sound of the army helicopter and everyone looks up and no doubt worries about what this might signal. You may also be awakened by the early rising rooster in your neighbor’s back yard, or, neighborhood dogs may keep you awake as barks rise and fade like the sounds a hockey audience. If you told Mexican people that in Canada you could call the police to deal with a barking dog or loud music they simply would not understand what you were talking about.

The other noises however, are sounds of real community life and these are your gateway to involvement. All of these noises are generated on the assumption that people (usually women or maids) are in their houses listening and are available to engage. These community sounds may be necessary because not everyone buys the local newspaper, has a telephone or a vehicle. Smaller communities may have a communal loudspeaker system which will announce the arrival of electric bills and provide information on when and where to pay them. All types of communal information can be distributed in this manner. People are engaged much more directly in their neighborhoods and community and what could be the sounds of a consumer culture become the sounds of an authentic community. All of this reminds us what has happened to the western community as stores have become larger and thus drive local businesses away from neighborhoods, people travel further to work, noise bylaws and soliciting bylaws keep strangers from the door and eliminate the sounds of real community life. We come to see ourselves as isolated individuals and not as community members.

PS I mentioned the sound announcing the knife sharpener. I recently watched the movie "La historia de Lisboa" by Wim Wenders recently and was shocked to hear that the whistle of the knife sharpener in Lisbon is exactly the same as that used in Patzcuaro. Was this sound transported to Mexico? Is it a universal call?

TRADITIONAL DANCE OF AJUNO, MEXICO


Another day, another chase. My wife and I are interested in the traditional dances of Mexico so are constantly on the watch for information about dances. I recently saw that there was a dance to be performed in Ajuno but not knowing just what time of day it might occur it is always a gamble. We headed out around 2:00 pm and upon arrival determined that something was up: a small midway for children (mostly consisting of trampolines and a couple of traditional rides) was in operation, a basketball tournament was in progress and lots of people were around. However, there was already lots of garbage and confetti on the ground – maybe we had missed it. We learned that it was to happen shortly. Almost two hours later the dancers appeared and watched the basketball game until there was much church bell ringing and cujetes (these are a noisy firework that is shot high into the air where it explodes). Sure enough a small procession was forming: four women in front with church banners, four people carrying the local image of the Virgin ( small, beautiful image with what looked like long human hair - this probably is human hair as women will offer their hair to the virgin as a type of exvoto), a band, 20 dancers, a small number of pilgrims and then another band for good luck. The processions went to the first corner where the Virgin was set down at a dusty and rocky intersection and the dancers gathered in front of her and the priest.

This is a small town so the costumes were not elaborate but clearly it was the dance of the Moors (Moros): They wore hats covered with flowers which rose to a soft peak, large red capes adorned with crosses, the name of the virgin and mirrors. Their leggings were pinned to jeans and they had cowboy boots with spurs attached. There was also the traditional veil that almost entirely covered the face. These veils had images of Guadalupe on them or images of Juan Diego kneeling before Guadalupe. Two young men accompanying the Virgin carried large torches and many of the audience held long candles. The men in the audience had hats in hand.

The Virgin leaves the church and begins the procession through town.

The dance steps looked familiar but I could see no pattern and am not aware of the significance of the steps. The dance of the Moors is traditionally performed for the patron saint of the town, as was the case today, or it may be done to mark the defeat of the Moors by the Christians in which case the dancers tend to wear masks and there are clearly Moors to be defeated. The dance for the patron saint is probably built on a very old dance with religious elements attached after the Spanish conquest. I believe this dance is a depiction of the conversion of the Moors to Christianity and by implication, the indigenous peoples of Mexico as well. After about ten minutes of the dancers stepping systematically and clicking their heels, they all bowed before the Virgin. According to tradition, after the procession they group must at least go into the church, but not necessarily attend a mass.

Here we can see the Virgin watching the dance of the Moors.

The group then raised the Virgin and walked through the streets were more people were waiting and the dance was repeated.
Here we are on the other side of town and the procession stops to watch the dance of the Viejitos.